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SLAVERY: 



LECTURE 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE LYCEUM IN ATTLEBOROUGH, 



jan. 4th. 1838. 



BY HEV. BENJAMIN- OBER. 



PUBLISHED BY REQUEST. 

PAWTUCKET, MASS. 
Robert Sherman : ::::::: :trinter. 

1838. 




*i 6T i 6 */ 

TO THE READER. 

I feel that, injustice to the cause I have advocated in the fol- 
lowing pages, I ought to say, that this Lecture tvas not intended 
to be a thorough discussion of the subject; but only so much was 
said, and such points touched upon, as appeared necessary, in 
order to meet the exigency of circumstances connected with the 
Lyceum, without any expectation of its appearing in public. I 
do not think that half has been said, that might be said as to the 
best means for removing the evils of slavery. JYeither do I think 
that one half has been said that might and ought to be said as 
to the incorrectness of some of the principles adopted by aboli- 
tionists, nor of the unfavorable tendency of some of their measures. 






* ^ 



LECTI 



We live in an age of experiments ; from the capitol of the 
United States, to the most retired and secluded hamlet, from ihe 
Chief Magistrate to the most humble citizen, we find a feeling 
that seems to impel, and upon the high pressure principle, to- 
wards a revolution. The mind of man, restless and uneasy, al- 
ways active and always busy, it is as irrepressible as the wind 
that sweeps the forest— though irrepressible, it may sometimes 
be influenced and directed into almost any channel and to any 
object. But to guide the mind or to direct its operations so as 
to arrive at truth and produce the best practical results, much 
study, the most careful training, deep and thorough investigation, 
and calm and deliberate conclusions are indispensably necessary. 
But these rules are frequently overlooked or entirely disregarded 
by ardent temperaments, heated imaginations, and by uncultiva- 
ted and unlearned minds. Many minds will lay hold of abstract 
principles, and being neither acquainted with the elements of 
philosophy or the principles of logic, draw from those principles 
deductions both incorrect and dangerous. Hence we may see 
the importance of coming to the investigation of a subject with 
consideration, with unsophisticated and unbiased minds. Preju- 
dices and party feelings shnld be laid aside when we come upon 
the investigation of any subject, and especially is this necessary 



when the subject is one that has already agitated the community, 
when parties have been formed, sides taken, prejudices raised, and 
even hostilities commenced. To introduce such a subject for 
investigation, under such circumstances is attended with many 
disadvantages. If it is done in concert with others, either bv dis- 
cussion, or by lecture, there is but little hope of much good being 
effected, because minds are most generally made up, or show a 
very strong inclination to one side or the other — therefore, preju- 
dice is the principal thing to combat, and prejudice is one of the 
most difficult things in the world to overcome. Therefore, in or- 
der to have a discussion profitable, it is all important that every 
person interested in the subject should endeavor to divest himself 
as much as possible from all prejudice and party feeling, and 
come to the investigation just as a mathematician would set down 
for the investigation of a mathematical proposition, or a philoso- 
pher would set down to the investigation of some one of the laws 
of nature. With these principles in mind, I would introduce for 
the subject of our investigation, Slavery. And I hope that all 
present will endeavor to listen to the remarks which may be made 
just as you would though the subject were entirely new to you; 
that is, do this so far as the nature of the subject and the man- 
ner in which it will be treated will admit. When I speak of 
abolition, let no one feel at the mention of the word that he is 
touched, or that allusion is made to a subjeot which he consid- 
ers paramount in interest to all others, and a suspicion at once 
arise in the mind that an attack is to be made upon it and begin 
to fortify the mind against whatever may be said, but hear can- 
didly, weigh carefully, and decide impartially and correctly. So 
I would say in regard to the mention of the word or name abo- 
litionist, let no one feel on the mention of this word, that he is 
identified with that name, but think of it just as you would if a 
class of persons were alluded to, whom you were acquainted 



with only in name. If these principles could be adhered torfur- 
ing the remarks of this evening, we should be understood, arid 

kind feelings if not perfect unanimity would be secured. 

The course that I have proposed to myself as the best to be 
pursued this evening, is the following. 

First, to give a brief history of Slavery, and its tendency and 
consequence. 

Secondly, support some means and measures, which appear to 
me 10 be calculated to remove the evil. 

And in conclusion, give my reasons for not co-operating with 
the Abolitionists in their means and measures. 

I propose to pursue this course because it would seem that 
many are deeply interested in the subject who have but a very 
partial knowledge of its extent and character ; who think that 
Slavery is something that has had its origin in these United 
States, and that too, under the sanction of our Constitution. It 
is important for us all to know that Slavery is of ancient origin. 
The oldest history that is found in any language giving us a par- 
ticular account of Slavery. Its history begins about 4000years 
ago. The first mention of Slavery I believe is found in the book 
of Genesis, 9, 25, where Noah cursed his son Ham for his wick- 
edness, in the following language, " a servant of servants shalt 
thou be" and it was so. The first son of Ham was called Cush, 
the meaning of which is black, and the descendants of Ham are 
the Africans, known to have been an enslaved people. By the 
way however, I think, I ought to mention before I proceed any 
farther, that the word Slave is not found in the Hebrew or Greek 
scriptures — it is found twice in our translation, once in Jeremi- 
ah 2, 14: where the word was supplied by the translators as you 
will see by turning to the pacsage; you will find the word Slave 
printed in italics, as all words supplied by the translators are. — 
It is again used in Rev. 18, 13; where the word in the Greek, 



Somat'in, which means body, but by Metonymy is used in the 
translation, Slave. The word used in the original to denote 
Slave is dmlos, which means a man in a servile stale, a slave or 
servant, one who is subservient, addicted or devoted to a thing; 
also a bondman, or slave, an attendant, and sometimes an agent 
or minister. But to return to Ham and his descendants. It was 
prophesied that this people should be enslaved, and the prophesy 
has been most dreadfully fulfilled; but though it was prophesied 
and though it may be a curse upon them, yet that does not justi- 
fy any for enslaving them, any more than the murderers of the 
Lord Jesus were justified in crucifying him because his cruci- 
fixion and all the circumstances were foretold hundred of years 
before, They did unto him whatsoever they listed, and by their 
wicked hands he was crucified and slain. But though the de- 
scendants of Ham are an accursed race, an enslaved people, yet 
the time is coming when they will be a ransomed people. God 
has said speaking of a future day, 6i and it shall come to pass in 
that day that the Lord shall set his hand again to recover the 
remnant of his people which shall be left — from Cush." Hence, 
I believe that the time will come when they will be recovered 
from their bondage, but I believe too, that God will do it in his 
way, the way that God has appointed to produce a regeneration 
of this world is through the power and influence of the Gospel, 
(but on this point I propose to speak more particularly in the 
sequel.) 

To proceed with the history. 

Slavery existed very extensively at the time of Moses. It was 
then so firmly established that he could not abolish it even if he 
desired to — how that was,we have no means of knowing, but one 
thing we know, he enacted various salutary laws and regulations 
in regard to it. The Israelites held slaves or servants from among 
the Hebrews themselves, but then, they were to be circumcised 



and were required to worship the only true God, This was per- 
mitted by tiie Lord for a time, but for what purpose we know 
not. But at length, he intimated to the Israelites that it was no 
longer to be allowed, as appears from the 5<3, G , Isaiah, where 
he reproves the Israelites for their manner of worship, while they 
continue to hold some of his chosen people in bondage — he says 
to them, li Is not this the fast that that I have chosen, to loose 
the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens and to let 
the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke." This 
was said to them in reference to the Hebrew slaves only, as will 
appear from Jeremiah, 34, 9, " That every man should let his 
man servant,and every man his maid servant, being an Hebrew or 
an Hebrewess, go free, that none should serve himself of them 
to wit of a Jew his brother." They obeyed this command, but 
Pharaoh like, repented that they had clone so, and again reduced 
them to bondage. There were various ways in which slaves 
were obtained. If a man was poor, reduced to extreme poverty, 
he might sell himself. A father might sell his children for slaves- 
Insolvent debtors might be delivered to their creditors as slaves- 
Thieves who were not able to make restitution for their theft, or 
the value, were sold for the benefit of the sufferers. They were 
frequently made slaves by captivity, and many were made slaves 
by their birth. When persons were born of married slaves,they 
too were considered the same. These were the various ways in 
which slaves were obtained; but it is generally supposed s that sla- 
very had its origin in captivity — when persons were taken captive 
they were reduced to slavery. Slaves received both food and cloth- 
ing, but for the most part of the meanest quality, but all they 
earned belonged to their lorcte. They were allowed to form 
marriages, but it was at or according to the will of their mas- 
ters, and their children were slaves. If a married Hebrew sold 
himself, he was to serve for six years, and in the seventh he was 



to go out free, together with his wife and children, but if his 
master had given him one of his slaves for a wife, she was to re- 
main with her children as the property of his master. But the 
husband might remain if he chose. The slaves among the He- 
brews were generally employed in tending cattle and in agricul- 
tural employments. They were generally treated with humanity 
though sometimes their lot was hard, and they were treated very 
cruelly. Therefore Moses enacted laws to this effect, that' they 
should be treated with humanity, that if a master struck his ser- 
vant or maid with a rod or staff and he or she died under his 
hafld, he was to be punished by the Magistrate. A slave who lost 
an eye or a tooth by a blow from his or her master, acquired his or 
her liberty in consequence. All slaves are to rest from their labors 
upon Sabbath days and great festivals, and were to be invited to 
certain feasts. Hebrew slaves were to continue in slavery only till 
the year of jubilee when they might return to liberty and their mas- 
ter could not retain them against their wills. But if they were de- 
sirous to remain with their masters, they were brought to the judg- 
es, before whom they were to make a declaration, that from this 
time they disclaimed the privilege of this law, and had their ears 
bored through with an awl against the door posts of their master's 
house, after which they had no more power to recover their liberty 
until the next year of jubilee, after 49 years. If a Hebrew by birth 
was sold to a stranger or alien dwelling in the vicinity of the land of 
Israel, his relatives were to redeem him, and such slave was to make 
good the purchase money if he were able, paying in proportion to 
the number of years that remained to the year of jubilee. And 
one thing more, if a slave of another master fled to the Hebrews 
he was to be received hospitably, and was to be given up to his 
master.* These remarks are only the outlines of slavery among 

*See Humes Introduction. ' » 



9 

the Hebrews. It would take more time than we have to spare, 
to enter into all its history, but as bad as Hebrew slavery was 
it was a great deal worse among some other nations. 

Among the Greeks and Romans, slavery wore a different as- 
pect. Especially among the Romans — there the slaves were in 
a much worse state than the cattle ; they had no head in the 
state, no name, no title, no register. They were not entitled to 
the rights of matrimony. They might be sold, transferred or 
pawned, like other goods or personal estate. In case of war, 
whenever they gained a victory, or subdued a province, the cap- 
tives were reduced to slavery. Gentlemen and Ladies, high 
and low, rich and poor, the refined and rude were all reduced to 
the most servile slavery, or deepest degradation, without regard 
to character or rank. And over the lower order of slaves if not 
over all that were held in bondage, the masters had an absolute 
power; they might scourge or put them to death at pleasure. — 
By the Koman laws a slave could not bear testimony without 
undergoing the rack, and if the master of a family were slain in 
in his house, all his domestic slaves were liable to be put to death, 
though their innocence were ever so manifest. Tacitus gives us an 
account of a Prefect of the city of Rome being slain by one of 
his slaves, for which offence all his other slaves 400 in number 
were put to death. Such was slavery among the Romans and 
the Greeks. But it differs among different nations. In some of 
the eastern nations they are treated with great cruelty. An ac- 
count is found in Mr. Jowett's Christian Researches in theMed- 
itteranean, an extract of which will give some idea of the rigor 
with which slaves are to this day treated at the East. He s vs 
the conductor of a nitre factory for the Pasha of Egypt havi 
received commands to prepare a large quantity of nitre i:i 
h as te — for this purpose, was building small resvroirs and ducts 
with old picked bricks gathered from ruins <$-c. a great number 



10 

of young persons of both sexes were engaged in the work, carry- 
ing burdens. To give vivacity to the proceedings, they are re- 
quired to sing, and to keep them diligent, there were task mas- 
ters standing at intervals of about ten feet, with whips in their 
hands which they used very freely. And he adds, he seemed to 
behold the manners of the ancient Egyptians. 

But in others, they are treated very differently. In Barbary, 
the rich people when childless have been known to purchase 
young slaves, to educate them in their own faith, and sometimes 
to adopt them for their own children. The great men in the Ot- 
toman Empire, have been originally slaves, brought up in the 
seraglio. And the Mamaluke Sovereigns of Egypt were origi- 
nally Turkish and Circassian slaves, bought of the Tartars, 
brought up to arms and raised to the principal offices of the Em- 
pire. 

Thus we see that slavery is almost coeval with the world — dif- 
fering in its character according to time, place, circumstances, 
and owners* But the slavery that principally concerns us is that 
which now exists in our own country. 

Slavery was first introduced into this country in the year 1620, 
by a Dutch ship, which arrived in James River in Va. having 
on board twenty negroes which were sold to the planters — and 
the traffic from that time increased so rapidly, that in 1756 stren- 
uous efforts were made, laws were passed prohibiting the impor- 
tation of slaves, by the Representatives, but those who were 
higher in authority yielding to the wishes of the merchants en- 
gaged in this abominable traffic, persisted with criminal obstina- 
cy in withholding their assent, so that now it is estimated that 
there are two and a half millions of slaves in our Southern states, 
most of whom are in a state of the deepest degradation and suf- 
fering. But to speak particularly of the suffering of the slave is 
unnecessary, for we live in a day when this subject has agitated 



II 

the community more than any other, when there are many men 
who do little else than go about, portraying in the most glowing 
colors the cruelties of slavery. Probably there is scarcely an 
individual here, but has heard such representations of the sub- 
ject, that he can scarcely hear it alluded to, but he immediately, 
in imagination, hears the cracking of the whip, the clanking of 
the chains, and the groaning of the captives; extreme cases of vio- 
lence and suffering among the slaves have been selected and have 
been bandied about the country as a fair and correct specimen of 
slavery. It is seldom ever heard that a slave is treated well, or 
that he has a kind and good master. No, every man who holds 
a slave is a man stealer, and every thing else that is bad; thus 
the character of slavery has been misrepresented. 

Now what I want is truth, a faithful and correct representa- 
tion of this or any other subject. That Southern slavery taken 
in the aggregate is a system of cruelty and oppression there can 
be little doubt — but, that slavery in every conceivable shape is 
sin, is, I think by no means true. Before we pronounce this o r 
any thing else to be sin, we must have some standard by which 
to judge. Some infallible standard. It will not do for a man 
to pronounce a thing to be sin, unless he can prove it — his asser- 
tion does not make it so. Now what infallible standard of right 
and wrong do we have? What but the Bible? Here then we 
are to come, and not to the opinions of men to know what sin is. 
And how does that define sin? Why the Bible declares that 
"sm is the transgression of the law;" this is the general defini- 
tion of sin, and again it says, " all unrighteousness is sin." — 
Here then we have a clear and full definition of what sin is. — 
Let us then bring slavery to this rule. In the first place what 
is slavery? It is bondage, the state of entire subjection of one 
person to the will of another. Now if sin is the transgression of 
the law, how can slavery be made sin? What law is there that 



12 

forbids one person being in a state of entire subjection to anoth- 
er? But it may be said that slavery is generally attended with 
cruelty and oppression. Very well — this is unrighteous, and as 
all unrighteousness is sin, then it must be the appendages of 
slavery that is sin, and not slavery itself. It cannot be made 
out justly, nor logically, that slavery in the abstract, is in all 
cases sin. It is contrary to the meaning of language, it is con- 
trary to the Bible definition of sin, it is contrary to reason and 
to common sense. One of the appendages of slavery is in some 
cases, making merchandise of the bodies of men 5 this is unright- 
eous in the extreme, therefore making merchandise of men is 
sin. Another thing often attendant on slavery is cruelty — this 
too is unrighteous, therefore cruelty to slaves is sin. Another 
thing that generally exists with slavery is, that masters keep their 
slaves in the deepest and grossest ignorance — this too is unright- 
eous and is therefore sin. Another thing that is very frequently 
connected with slavery is an unlawful, illicit and criminal in- 
tercourse with the females 5 this is not only unrighteous, but it is 
a violation of the moral law of God 5 therefore it is a sin of the 
deepest die. Another thing often attending slavery is the sepa- 
rating parents from children, wives from husbands, and sunder- 
ing the tenderest and dearest ties of nature — this is unrighteous 
in the extreme, and is therefore a great sin. Now these are 
things connected with slavery, that my soul abhors. It is most 
unjust, cruel, oppressive and wicked, and ought to receive the 
strongest reprobation of man, as it most surely will the severest 
indignation of God. These things I say are sin and ought to be 
immediately abandoned. Here I would contend for immediate 
abolition. But, immediate abolition of these evils is one thing, 
and immediate emancipation of the slaves another. I use the 
word emancipation as Webster uses it, viz: to free from servi- 
tude, subjection or dependance. I contend that every thing that 



13 

is connected with slavery that is .sin of unrighleon s should be 
immediately abolished or abandoned. But I do not believe that 
it would be a righteous treatment of (he slaves to give them an im- 
mediate emancipation, to free them from all restraint and sub- 
jection. We have heard much about the cruelty of the slave 
holder, and the oppression and suffering of the slaves, and were 
this all that made slavery horrible, then I would plead for imme- 
diate emancipation too. But there is another feature of slavery 
that is, I had almost said, infinitely worse than the cruelty and 
the oppression, they endure— it is the degradation of the mind. 
Immediate emancipation will not cure this. The very worst fea- 
tures of slavery to my vision is the degradation, the prostration 
and the corruption of the moral man. What is the physical part 
of man, to the moral? What is the wreck of the body to the 
wreck of the mind? What is the loss of liberty and the loss of 
property, to the loss of virtue and morality? What is the ruin 
of the body and all earthly happiness, to the ruin of the soul. — 
The loss of liberty, the loss of property, the loss of any thing 
that a man can sustain in his person, is nothing to the loss of his 
moral sensibilities and obligations. Such has been the tendency 
of much of Southern slavery. I know there are some excep- 
tions to this. There are many churches at the South, where a 
majority of the members are slaves. Many masters at the South 
are pious men — they and their slaves belong to the same church, 
and sit together at the same communion table, and give their 
slaves instruction upon the Sabbath. But such cases are excep- 
tions to the general rule. The great majority of slaves are re- 
duced to the lowest moral degradation 5 they are lost to all mor- 
al sense and obligation, through the abuse of their masters. And 
now I contend that such men arc not prepared to have their lib- 
erty — liberty to such would not be a blessing. The work of 
preparing them for liberty must be a gradual work. No skilful 



14 

physician expects to cure inveterate and confirmed diseases in a 
moment — it must be done by patient and skilful management. 

And here I would suggest what appears to me to be the proper, 
most judicious and most effectual remedy for this evil. 

Before we can profitably apply a remedy, we must understand 
the cause. Now it is well known that slavery is upheld by law, 
and if it is ever abolished, it must be by legislation. Congress 
has power to strike a death blow to slavery in the United States. 
It can abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and put a stop 
to the traffic in slaves between the states. Let this be done and 
it would have a tremendous influence upon the South, and would 
do much towards removing the evil. Then the slave-holding states 
must follow the example of Congress. The slaves ought to be put 
under protection of law ; there should be a law made forbidding the 
buying and selling slaves as an article of trade. Law should also 
be made to protect them from violence and outrage. And laws 
should also be made to secure them the advantages of acquiring 
knowledge. And in my opinion it would be no more than justice 
that those who have thus abused their slaves and reduced them to 
this degradation and moral pollution, should still retain their con- 
nexion with their slaves, till they have made some reparation of 
the injury done. They should cease buying, and selling them, and 
no longer hold them as property It should cease their cruelties, aad 
then slaves themselves should be allowed to seek redress of griev- 
ances at law. And further, the master should provide them means 
and opportunity for learning to read, and to acquire so much knowl- 
edge as will enable them to take care of themselves. And they 
should have the gospel preached to them. 

From their training, and their habits, and their ignorance, it 
would be folly to suppose them capable of providing for, or taking 
care of themselves. I know some with more boldness than wisdom 
assert that the slave can not only take care of himself, but does 



15 

take care of himself and his master too. But this reply does not 
deserve a serious answer. 

Now the next question is, how is Congress and the several 
States to be brought to adopt or enact such laws. Public opinion 
must go before legislation. Means and measures must then be 
adopted to enlist the public in the enterprise ; and in this case the 
public sentiment of the South is more important to be gained than 
the public sentiment of the North. The public sentiment of the 
North, has for a long time been opposed to slavery, but it has avail- 
ed little at the South. It is useless and false to say that the public 
sentiment of the North is in favor of slavery, so long as the laws 
of the Free States forbid slavery within their boundaries. 1 he 
Northern States cannot legislate for the Southern — all that the 
Free States can do in regard to the subject, is to express their opin- 
ion in regard to the injustice of the system of slavery, and use their 
influence to persuade the South to legislate on the subject. And 
to do this, we must in some way or other get at the South. The 
evil exists there, and there I believe must begin the cure. We 
must get hold of the feelings of the South, and to do this we must 
go to work very judiciously. Slavery you know is the chief source 
of their gains, and if you touch them here, you will touch a very 
sensitive spot ; so that you must touch them as though you touched 
them not. Indirect means rather than direct should be employed. 
The object we have in view should not stand out in such bold relief 
as to alarm the South and put them immediately on the defensive. 
But we must begin gently, we must act friendly, and not inimieal- 
ly ; and if they discover our intention, let it not appear that we 
mean to force ourselves upon them, or that we mean to compel 
them to comply with our wishes, but that we mean to express our 
feelings kindly and with the best motives. In the spirit of kind- 
ness appeal to their sensibilities, appeal to their own views of right 
and wrong, appeal to their consciences, appeal to tiic word of God. 



16 

But. do it all kindly. The law of kindness will bind more firmly 
than the greatest possible degree of lawless force. In dealing with 
mn we must consider disposition, habits, temperaments, customs, 
and prejudices ; and if we wish to accomplish the object in view, 
we must take care and not run afoul of their prejudices or disposi- 
tions, for if we do we may frustrate our object. Our first object 
should be, to obtain a candid hearing; not go to work in such a 
way as to prejudice the slave-holder and all concerned against us 
the first thing. If there be an opposite feeling, then conciliatory 
measures should be pursued — try to calm down the irritated feel- 
ings, pour oil upon the troubled waters ; the way must be prepared 
to press upon them the evils of slavery. There is now a very strong 
prejudice existing on the part of the South towards the North ; 
there is more than this ; there is a feeling of bitter hostility cher- 
ished towards the North, and so long as this feeling is continued 
we cannot have much influence over them, and in order to allay this 
feeling a friendly and conciliatory course must be pursued. We 
may discuss the subject here through the press, and let these dis- 
cussions be carried to the South. But such discussions should be 
calm, manly, rational, fair ?md honorable discussions; such as any 
man could read without having his feelings outraged, or his common 
sense insulted. When the Southern people are spoken of, they 
should be spoken of as men ; they should be treated as men, and 
then we may expect them to act like men. We are not to deal 
with them as though they were ignorant of the evils of slavery. — 
They are not ; they knoiv it is a system of wrong and ought to be 
abandoned ; their consciences are at war with their hearts continu- 
ally, unless it be in case where the conscience has become seared. 
Motives and arguments must be used to induce them to do what they 
know to be duty. Their situation is very much like that of impen- 
itent sinners, they know their duty but will not do it, and they must 
be treated very much in the same way ; they must be continually 



17 

warned, exhorted, urged, persuaded, and every possible moral 
influence be brought to bear upon their conscience and upon 
their hearts; but it must be done kindly; the Apostles injunction 
must be remembered, 6 ' be gentle towards all men," " in meek- 
ness instructing those that oppose themselves," and then it will 
be with the Southern Slavery as it was with the Greek and Ro- 
man slavery, just in proportion as the power and influence of the 
gospel operated, did slavery recede before it. 

I believe that slavery like every other sin must be cured by 
the. gospel; it is the gospel that must correct public opinion. I 
believe in the Omnipotence of divine truth. I believe in an over 
ruling Providence ; and looking at the condition and the feeling 
of the South, I utterly despair of ever seeing slavery abolished 
there, without the interference of Providence. And whatever 
measures are adopted by us, for the accomplishment of this ob- 
ject, should be in accordance ivith the spirit and word of 
God, or we cannot expect that Providence will either guide us, 
or succeed our efforts. I believe too that slavery is a greater 
moral than political evil, and we cannot expect that moral evils 
will be cured without the aid of the superior power ; therefore I 
hold that one of the most important things to be done for the re- 
moval of the evils of slavery is to pray for it. /know the scep- 
tic and the infidel may ridicule the idea, but none of these things 
move me. I believe in the Omnipotence of prayer; ''prayer 
moves him who moves the world," and "in his hand are the hea Is 
of men and he can turn them as the rivers of water are turned." 
Men need much wisdom to engage in such an enterprise as that 
of abolishing slavery : more than most men have, and what shall 
be done, but to apply to him who "giveth liberally and upbraideth 
not." Let men pray over this subject; let them ask God what 
he will have them do in regard to it, and then I believe their 

measures would be better directed, and more efficient. I do no f - 
3 



18 

believe that prayerless unprincipled men will do much else than 
raise an excitement, inflame men's passions and hurry them on 
to unjustifiable means, and eventually they will find that •* their 
violent dealings will come down upon their own pate." What 
good will it do for men, who " fear not God nor regard man," 
to stand forth and rail against the sins of their neighbors? None; 
but sooner or later it will bring them into confusion and con- 
tempt. They must find that it is not very profitable taking care 
of anothers vineyard, before taking care of their own. Such 
men are very frequently alluding to the course and means pur- 
sued by distinguished Reformers that have gone before us. But 
who are they? Why, John Knox, Martin Luther, Granville 
Sharpe, William Wi!berforce, John Howard, and other kindred 
spirits, but they were all men of prayer. Most of them spent 
several hours every day in prayer; these were the very men to 
take hold of a reformation. Let those who plead their example, 
imitate them in their private character, and they maybe reform- 
ers too. 

I have now given you a brief history of slavery, its character, 
and tendency; and have also suggested some of the measures, 
which to me, appear the most judicious for removing the evil. — 
And as I have understood that this subject was brought before 
this Lyceum for the purpose of "drawing me out," I should 
not feel that the object was fully accomplished if I should stop 
before I had given my reasons for not joining the abolition party. 
And the reason that I would give for this, is that I do not ap- 
prove of their principles, nor of their measures, as I understand 
them. The principle upon which they base their doctrine is this, 
that slavery in every shape and form is sin. Now this I do not 
subscribe to. To prove this, I will first suppose a case. I hap- 
pen to be at a certain place where there is a family of slaves put 
up at auction. There is the father and mother and six children; 



11) 

they are liable to be separated, scattered to the four winds. — 
They will be sold, this is certain. Now it is in my power to 
preserve that family from all the horrors of perhaps a final sepa- 
ration, and from much cruelty and suffering, by purchasing them 
myself — I buy them and take a bill of sale of them, and the right 
and title to them is made over to me. I am now a slave holder, 
but I have bought these slaves out of pure benevolence, for the 
sole good of these slaves. Now I cannot afford to give them 
their freedom — so I say to them, I cannot afford to give you 
your freedom, but you must be under my control and direction, 
and labor for me, till you have repaid me what I have paid, and 
I will do all I can to prepare you for liberty, for your freedom; 
then you are free to go where you please. Now would any one 
say that I was not a slave-holder, and would any one say I was 
sinning in so doing, and that I ought immediately to liberate 
these slaves. I do not believe it; therefore I do not believe that 
slavery under all circumstances is sin. If it is, then sin was 
tolerated and sanctioned under the economy of the Old Testa- 
ment, and was sanctioned also under the Gospel by the Apostles, 
for they enjoined obedience on the slaves; they laid down rules 
for the regulation of the conduct of the slaves and the masters. 
If slavery under all circumstances is sin, would Paul have treat- 
ed the subject as he did? If slavery itself is sin, would Paul 
have told servants to be obedient to them that are your masters 
according to the flesh with fear and trembling, in singleness of 
your heart, as unto Christ; not with eye service as men pleas- 
es, but as the servants of Christ, doing the ivill of God from the 
heart, with good will, doing service as to the Lord, and not to 
men." If this does not teach slaves to feel that they are called 
of God into a state of servitude, and that they are doing the will 
of God, rather than the will of man, then I do not know what it 
means; for the Apostle goes on to say, " Knowing that whatso- 



20 

ever good thing a man doeth the same shall he receive of the 
Lord, whether he be bond or free." He was then addressing 
bondmen, but he would preserve them from abuse, for he adds, 
u Ye masters do the same thing unto them, forbearing threaten- 
ing." He does not even allow them to use harsh and threaten- 
ing language. And in another place he says — " Ye masters 
give unto your servants that which is just and equal." If free- 
dom is what he meant why did he not say so? " Call things by 
their right names" and say slavery is sin and should be imme- 
diately abolished. He no where condemns slavery, neither did 
our Savior. He laid down this broad and righteous principle, 
u whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so 
to them." But what did he mean to teach by this? That we 
should always and under all circumstances do to another as we 
might wish him to do to us? Certainly not; for then it might in 
some cases lead to a violation of some express command. The 
meaning must be this; a man should do to others in certain cir- 
cumstances, as he would be done to, or as he ought to be done 
by in the same circumstances. It does not mean that a man 
under all circumstances is to do to another just what he might 
wish that man to do to him. Suppose this to be the meaning; 
what would become of justice? Here is a criminal arraigned 
before a court of justice to be tried by judge and jury; now if 
the judge and jury must do to this criminal, just as they would 
be done by, what would they do? Upon this principle they 
would and must acquit him, guilty or not guilty. The rule laid 
down by our Savior then, means no more than this; that we do 
toothers that which is right to be done to them in their circum- 
stances. Now this is a general principle laid down by our Sa- 
vior, and will not admit of particular and universal application, 
as is evident from the illustration. And this is one serious ob- 
jection I have to abolitionists; they will take a general principle 



21 

and apply it to particular cases where it is not applicable. It is 
all important that a man beware of supposing that because a prin- 
ciple is clear in the abstract, that it is equally clear in its explica- 
tion to every possible case. It is the maintaining of this position 
that has been the source of half the political and moral delusions 
that have distracted our earth. 

The value or worthless n ess of general principles always de- 
pends on the application a man makes of them. We live in an 
excited age, and in an excitement that originates in metaphysical 
principles. We are contending, because our principles are too 
broad to be fully understood by narrow minds, and perhaps it 
would be well for us to remember the words of one of the wisest 
politicians that ever brought the dictates of philosophy to calm 
the passions of mankind. I cannot says Edmund Burke, stand 
forward arid give praise or blame to any thing which relates to 
human actions or human concerns, on a simple view of the ob- 
ject, as it stands stript of every relation, in all the nakedness and 
solitude of metaphysical abstraction. Circumstances, (which 
with some pass for nothing,) give in reality to every political 
principle its distinguishing color and discriminating effect. — 
The circumstances are what render every civil and political 
scheme beneficial or noxious to mankind. Abstractly speaking, 
government ^ y TrelTr jgsfe^V is good. Yet could I in common 
sense ten years ago, have felicitated France on her enjoyment of 
government, without inquiring what the nature of that govern- 
ment was, or how it was administered? Could I even congratu- 
late the same nation upon its freedom? Is it because liberty in 
the abstract is to be classed among the blessings of mankind, that 
I am seriously to felicitate a madman who has escaped from the 
protecting restraint and wholesome darkness of his cell, on his 
restoration to the enjoyment of light and liberty? Am I to con- 
gratulate a highwayman and a murderer who has broke his 



*• 4U~£C 



<*--? 




22 

irons, ou the recovery of his natural rights? And I would add, are 
we to congratulate the slave on his emancipation to liberty and free- 
dom, who is disqualified to make a good and profitable improve- 
ment of his liberty? That this is the case with all the slaves 1 do 
not contend, but it is true in regard to the greatest proportion of 
them. 

If slavery in the abstract and under all circumstances is sin, 
why did Paul say " let every man abide in the same calling where- 
in he is called ; art thou called being a servant care not for it, but 
if thou mayst be made free, use it rather." What is this but teach- 
ing slaves to be content with their lot as called into it by God, but 
if he in his Providence should open a way in which they may be 
made free, then they may improve it. And Paul was not alone in 
the manner in which he treated the subject of slavery. The Apos- 
tle Peter in his epistle to the strangers scattered throughout Pon- 
tius, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia, says to the "servants 
be subject to your masters with all fear, not only to the good and 
gentle, but also to the froward, for this is thankworthy if a man for 
conscience towards God endure grief, suffering wrongfully." If it 
be wrong in every possible case for one man to be in subjection to 
another, why are servants commanded to be subject to their mas- 
ters? I hesitate not to say that the Abolitionists are wrong in prin- 
ciple. They may take right measures to remove the, cruelties and 
the abuses of slavery : and with this they should be satisfied to let 
emancipation rest till the way is made plain for them to go free, 
then let them use it. 

Here is another principle they have adopted. A very distinguish- 
ed writer, and President of an Anti-Slavery Society, speaking of 
" certain great principles of truth and righteousness," says u these 
principles of truth and righteousness are so identified with the Anti- 
Slavery Society that they cannot prosper only as it prospers." But 
is this correct? Will not the principles of truth and righteousness 



23 

which the Anti-Slavery Society have adopted, (if indeed they have 
adopted them,) live, though that Society should be annihilated? — 
What new doctrine is this? Principles so identified with a Soci- 
ety that they cannot prosper without it ! What are principles? 
" Principles, that is, true and right principles, are of God, and are 
ethereal, Eternal." They are not dependant upon any confederacy 
or combination of men, or any organized society. 

There is another principle which has been adopted by some of the 
bolitionists, and that is to consider it a "duty to give all they 
ave to give for the removal of that evil, which more than any oth- 
r hinders the spread of the gospel." The incorrectness of this 
sentiment and its dangerous tendency is clearly shown by Messrs. 
x^itch and Towne, who are Abolitionists, but object to some of the 
rinciples and measures of their own party. I will give it in their 
1 own language. " We deplore this measure as an injury to the 
ause whose triumph it would accelerate. We deplore it as a false 
i rinciple of action. To what results would it lead? If one christian 
may act upon it, every other christian may act upon it. And what 
len? All our Missionaries must be recalled, every mission press 
mst be stopped ; every school established on heathen lands must 
3 broken up ; all our Bible and tract depositories must be closed; 
very Bethel flag must be furled ; our Young Men who are now 
l eparing to preach the everlasting Gospel of Christ, must be sent 
back to their farms and workshops ; all our benevolent operations 
must be abandoned or suspended until slavery is abolished ! What 
a desolation ! And let this principle be carried out, and would not 
| these results inevitably follow? Oh ! let every Christian Abolition- 
ist put far away from him a principle so pregnant with disaster to 
the interests of Zion." 

I have now something to say in regard to their measures. And 
here I would say that I consider their measures as bad, and worse 
if possible than their principles. To me they appear unwise, rash, 
misdirected and in some cases even immoral. 



24 

In the first place they are unwise, because they are not calcula- 
ted to effect their object. The object they have in view is the ab- 
olition of slavery. Now if this is ever done, it must be done by 
the slave-holders or the Southern people. And how do they at- 
tempt to bring the Southern people to this ? Is it by calm and hon- 
orable discussion — by bringing to bear upon their hearts the great- 
est degree of moral suasion ? No, but it is by severe recrimination 
— bitter invective — harsh denunciation — false and spurious reason- 
ings mixed with a vindictive and hostile spirit. But will such 
measures as these induce the South to free their slaves? To an- 
swer this question we have only to look and see what has been the 
consequence. Why, it has excited the most inimical feelings of the 
South. They have provoked them to madness. It has led them 
to oppose and reject with indignation all the efforts that are now 
made for the abolition of slavery. This is proved by the recent ex- 
citement produced in Congress by the introduction of a petition 
from abolitionists on the subject of slavery, and which led to the 
passing of a resolution directly opposed to the Constitution of the 
United States. " It was a vital stab at the Constitution." Now 
it appears to me that any course of measures that leads to such re- 
sults must be unwise in the extreme. We have placed great con- 
fidence upon our petitions to Congress, but when they are vetoed, 
our country must have come to an alarming crisis ; for this is a 
privilege guaranteed to us by the Constitution, and to forbid it, is 
a violation of the Constituton. If the measures then, of the aboli- 
tionists have driven our Senators to a violation of the Constitution, 
they must surely have been univise. It is no use to deny that this 
has been the result of their violent measures, so long as the fact 
stands out before us. 

Again, there has been a palpable want of judgment and of knowl- 
edge of human nature, in their measures. The general character of 
their publications and their lectures, so far as I have had opportu- 
nity to judge, has been rash and injudicious. They have assailed 



the South with harsh and censorious language; which is in no 
way calculated to win, hut. to alienate the heart. 

And further, I think their measures have been mis-directed. 
They have taken great pains to raise an excitement at the North. 
There has been much declaiming against the South, against 
slave-holders, and against the sin of slavery. They have been la- 
boring hard to abolish an evil where it did not exist. Whv raise 
such a tumult here about slavery? There are no slave-holders 
here. Why preach to a man to repent of a sin, of which he is not 
guilty? I know the answer that abolitionists will give to this. 
They will say that we are upholding slavery ; but I wish to see 
this proved. They say too, it is to get the public sentiment 
against it. The public sentiment of the North ivas against it, 
long before Anti-Slavery Societies were thought of. But suppose 
it is not, and they should bring the public sentiment of the North 
against it, would that abolish it? The public opinion of Massa- 
chusetts is against gambling ; but does that put a stop to gamb- 
ling and lottery offices in Rhode Island? The public senti- 
ment of the North will weigh little with the South ; there must 
be a correct public opinion there, to remove the evil: were, half 
the time, and strength and money that is expended at the North, 
for the purpose of making Northern men abolitionists, ivisely ex- 
pended at the South, then we might hope that the public senti- 
ment there, would be corrected. For my part, I do not feel that 
I should be doing my duty to my people, to spend much of my 
time in preaching to them against the sin of slavery, when there 
is not a man here that is a slave-holder, — or any way connected 
with it. I have told them that they should "remember them 
that are in bonds" in their prayers, and do all they can to amelio- 
rate their condition, but my people have a great deal to repent 
of, before they repent of the sin of slavery. I repeat then, till 
more of their energies are well directed at the South, they are 

mis-directed. 
4 



2C 

Once more, I believe sonic of their measures are imm n ral. — 
Slander and calumny are immoralities; and these are no trifling 
ingredients in the bitter cup of abolitionism. A most wanton 
and unrighteous attack has been made upon that class of men, 
who, from their high and holy vocation, and from the divine com- 
mission that they bear, are entitled to more respect than any 
other class of men 5 yet they have been most basely calumniated 
and slandered. A great majority of the clergy are charged with 
being " pro-slavery men," advocates for slavery, as the abolition- 
ists understand it. But this is false. I defy an abolitionist to 
find a minister in Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maine or Nevv r 
Hampshire who is an advocate of slavery, as it. is described and 
defined by abolitionists; or that will approve of making mer- 
chandize of flesh. I call upon them for their proof. 

Do they find it in the resolutions passed at the General As- 
sociations? In 1834 the following resolution was passed by the 
General Association of Massachusetts — 

Hesolved — That the slavery existing in this country, by which 
more than two millions of our countrymen are deprived of their 
inalienable rights, and held and treated as merchandize, is a viola- 
tion of the law of God, and of the fundamental principles of our 
national government. 

In 1837 the following was passed. 

Resolved — That the assumed right of holding men in bondage, 
working them without wages, and buying and selling them as 
property, is obviously contrary to the principles of national jus- 
tice, and the spirit of the gospel, offensive to God, oppressive to 
man, and ought to cease with the least possible delay. 

Similar resolutions stand recorded in the minutes of the Gen- 
eral Associations of New-Hampshire and Connecticut, and of 
the General Conference of Maine. That " the great mass of 
the clergy in our land are pro-slavery men," will be difficult to 



prove in the face of these resolutions, fflw-charae them too 
with trying , " to put a stop to discussion, to make the people 
hold their tongues" on this subject i This may in part be true 
for I have no question, that there arc many tongues that ou«ht 
to be silenced, which arc now making a great noise on the sub- 
ject: if they would shut up any mouths, they are those that arc 
filled with any thing else than wisdom. They would have men 
open their mouths on the subject if they would u speak forth the 
words of truth and soberness." 

The ministers have been charged with caring more for the 
fleece than for the flock. Now this is an impeachment of the 
motives of ministers; it implies that they arc governed by avarice. 
But abolitionists cannot be justified in this assertion, from the 
fact that ministers are a money making class : for as a general 
thing, they hardly get fleece enough from their flocks, to cover 
themselves and family. If any man will show me a minister who 
has become rich by preaching, I will show him the eigth wonder 
of the world. 

But why do the abolitionists heap all this calumny upon the 
clergy? Just because they do not fall into the aboliton ranks, 
and unite with them in their measures. Because they do not 
approve of wild enthusiastic, quixotic schemes, in making the 
country ring with loud and boisterous declamations, because they 
do not approve of school-boy declamation, and warm appeals to 
the passions, and of all their poetry and romance &c. &c. But 
can they suppose that men of high and independent feeling, 
men of refined, enlightened, cultivated and well disciplined minds 
will be drawn into the Abolition ranks by such measures? If 
they do, their disappointment will be as great, as their expectation 
is preposterous. 

But I must draw to a conclusion. I think I must be suffic- 
iently drawn out upon this subject, though I have said but a very 



• ' -. 28 

small part of what might and ought to be said in regard to it. — 
Slavery, as it exists in our country is a most deplorable evil 5 but, 
if the principles and measures of abolitionists are carried out, and 
produce their natural consequences, we shall see evils, infinitely 
greater evils than those of slavery, sweeping over our land. — 
They are calculated to undermine and overthrow our civil and 
religious institutions, (I speak of the principles advocated by cer- 
tain Anti-Slavery papers and Lecturers) and to introduce anar- 
chy, misrule and intestine war. I would therefore warn every man 
within the reach of my voice, to "beware of the doctrine of abo- 
litionists." 

I will only add that I shall pursue my own course in respect 
to the subject of slavery, until I see one marked out by others, 
which appears tome more wise, more judicious, and more useful, 
than any that has yet been proposed. I shall preach upon the 
subject when circumstances demand it, — and pray for it when 
prompted by a sense of duty, or by pity and compassion for the 
suffering slave. 






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